When Amazon abandoned its plans to build a new headquarters in New York, the foes of corporate greed declared victory. Yet, should all the outrage be aimed at Amazon?
Certainly, in an era of concentrated wealth, taxpayers in big cities and small towns like Elwood, Ill., are rightly fed up with companies for accepting tax incentives in exchange for investments they most likely would have made anyway or that result in empty job promises. Amazon faced blistering criticism for pitting cities against one another in a bidding war for such incentives, and even more criticism for accepting a billion subsidy package from the winner of that bidding war, New York.
But the role of public officials in this controversy deserves more scrutiny. Too often, they agree to economic development deals that fail to protect the interests of their constituents and negotiate through a process that is closed door and top down. State and local officials continue to hand out goodies even though evidence suggests that such subsidies have little effect on jobs.
In New York, the governor and mayor structured an agreement with Amazon using policy tools already established in the law. Amazon received “as-of-right” incentives, which are given automatically when a company wants to expand or relocate its facilities. New York’s as-of-right incentives, which are available to any company in a priority industry for the state that goes to a borough outside Manhattan, have been widely criticized as flawed and outdated. The amount of incentives offered ballooned to billions of dollars because of the proposed job count. Additionally, the city and state agreed that Amazon would not need to go through a local land-use review process, prompting the City Council to cry foul. Soon, a vocal minority of elected officials, labor leaders, and community activists revolted against the deal.
And yet, these same constituents continue to hope companies will be the ones to change.
Sure, we all want good corporate citizens, but companies will always put self-interest and shareholders before the needs of communities, no matter how much they receive in incentives. A recent study examining public incentives records in Texas found that companies frequently hide behind public records laws to renegotiate economic developments commitments in secrecy, often without a commensurate reduction in tax benefits. Foxconn and Carrier are investing in labor-saving technologies that will displace workers in the industrial Midwest after receiving incentive packages.
The burden of making sure that economic development deals reflect the values and needs of a community falls on state and local officials, whose job is to represent the public.
The Amazon deal in Virginia shows that a different approach is possible.
Virginia offered Amazon 0 million in job-creation grants, which the company will receive only after delivering the proposed 25,000 jobs, with additional subsidies available if the company creates as many as 37,850 jobs. Virginia’s relatively small offer to Amazon reflected the state’s very few as-of-right incentives.
Virginia threw into the package more than billion in additional taxpayer funds to build a pipeline of technical workers and improve transportation. This portion of the “subsidy” will not go directly into Amazon’s pockets but into Virginia schools, universities, and local agencies. It is nearly twice the amount offered to Amazon, a signal that investing in the local work force is more important than offering sweeteners to Amazon.
Finally, the governor’s office, key state legislators and city and county council officials worked together to address anticipated concerns from their constituency, whether from rural areas or in the neighborhoods surrounding National Landing, the proposed site for the new Amazon facility.
As in New York, residents in Northern Virginia have expressed concerns around housing affordability and how local residents will benefit. Yet Virginia’s approach has muted the criticism. Amazon, like any employer in the area, got a functioning partnership with the city and state, predictability and a commitment to producing engineers and other skilled workers, all of which matter more to companies than the size of a subsidy.
In the absence of national policy to rationalize the corporate-subsidy game, states and cities can impose caps on as-of-right subsidies, demand full transparency and accountability from individual companies and make incentives more inclusive, so they support businesses that pay salaries that can support families and invest in training workers.
This type of deal-making will come increasingly under civic and political scrutiny. Rather than being spellbound by our feelings about the world’s biggest companies, American cities need to find ways to build local economies in a way that works for everyone.
Amy Liu is vice president and director of the Metropolitan Policy Program at the Brookings Institution.
The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: email@example.com.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.B:
二中二心水论坛【其】【实】【许】【佑】【德】【刚】【刚】【可】【能】【算】【是】【有】【点】【气】【疯】【了】，【不】【然】【以】【他】【的】【聪】【慧】【怎】【么】【可】【能】【想】【不】【到】——【就】【算】【是】【李】【天】【安】【打】【算】【快】【马】【加】【鞭】【地】【着】【人】【和】【杭】【州】【知】【府】【马】【帷】【交】【通】，【怎】【么】【可】【能】【立】【马】【地】【就】【能】【把】【消】【息】【给】【传】【出】【去】？ 【今】【夜】【是】【个】【好】【当】【口】，【趁】【着】【两】【方】【的】【消】【息】【还】【未】【来】【得】【及】【共】【通】，【便】【是】【他】【们】【夺】【人】【的】【好】【机】【会】！ 【许】【佑】【德】：“【今】【夜】？” 【沈】【睿】【点】【了】【点】【头】，【紧】【咬】【牙】【重】【了】【语】
“【大】【人】~？” 【瑞】【恩】【看】【着】【自】【己】【手】【臂】【皮】【肤】【下】【面】【的】【根】【根】【藤】【蔓】【不】【知】【道】【用】【什】【么】【表】【情】【好】。 “【没】【死】【就】【算】【你】【运】【气】【好】【了】。”【许】【一】【衣】【翻】【了】【一】【个】【白】【眼】，“【谁】【让】【你】【没】【得】【到】【我】【的】【命】【令】，【就】【擅】【自】【脱】【手】【套】【的】，【现】【在】【只】【是】【寄】【生】【在】【你】【的】【手】【臂】，【没】【和】【西】【里】【尔】【一】【个】【下】【场】【你】【就】【该】【偷】【笑】【了】。” 【之】【前】【寄】【宿】【在】【瑞】【恩】【手】【套】【里】【的】【子】【体】【突】【然】【爆】【发】，【要】【不】【是】【许】【一】【衣】【及】【时】【发】
【进】【入】【独】【立】【空】【间】【之】【后】，【陈】【桐】【四】【处】【打】【量】，【这】【里】【的】【独】【立】【空】【间】，【采】【取】【的】【是】【和】【陈】【桐】【所】【在】【的】【地】【球】【类】【似】【的】【科】【幻】【风】【格】。 【陈】【桐】【并】【没】【有】【着】【急】【采】【取】【行】【动】，【而】【是】【先】【在】【独】【立】【空】【间】【内】【环】【绕】【了】【一】【圈】，【发】【现】【这】【里】【环】【境】【什】【么】【的】【都】【不】【错】，【也】【并】【没】【有】【他】【以】【为】【的】【紧】【张】【压】【抑】【的】【感】【觉】。【不】【禁】【挺】【满】【意】。 【除】【了】【环】【境】【之】【外】，【这】【里】【工】【作】【人】【员】【的】【秩】【序】【井】【然】【也】【让】【他】【十】【分】【满】【意】。【不】
【顾】【忆】【选】【择】【的】【吃】【饭】【地】【点】【是】【一】【家】【比】【较】【安】【静】【的】【餐】【厅】。 【她】【踩】【着】【点】【到】【达】，【容】【远】【已】【经】【在】【餐】【厅】【里】。 “【你】【来】【多】【久】【了】？”【顾】【忆】【靠】【近】，【问】【他】。 【容】【远】【笑】【着】【指】【对】【面】【的】【酒】【店】，“【我】【在】【对】【面】【的】【酒】【店】【住】，【比】【你】【近】，【来】【得】【比】【较】【早】。” 【顾】【忆】【顺】【着】【他】【说】【的】【对】【面】【看】【过】【去】，【的】【确】【是】【一】【家】【酒】【店】。 【微】【笑】【着】【颔】【首】，【转】【移】【话】【题】，“【你】【想】【吃】【什】【么】？” 【两】
【此】【外】，【席】【晚】【晴】【她】【们】【最】【近】【忙】【碌】【的】【成】【果】，【就】【是】【成】【功】【收】【购】【了】【一】【家】【出】【版】【社】，【专】【门】【用】【来】【出】【版】【秦】【放】【歌】【的】【作】【品】。【可】【以】【预】【料】【卖】【得】【会】【特】【别】【的】【火】【的】【就】【是】【小】【说】，【曲】【谱】【以】【及】【音】【像】【制】【品】，【也】【都】【会】【有】【市】【场】，【但】【这】【个】，【基】【本】【不】【能】【作】【为】【主】【要】【盈】【利】【目】【标】。 【这】【方】【面】，【她】【们】【也】【都】【有】【跟】“【秦】【放】【歌】【作】【品】【记】【录】【员】”【肖】【雨】【然】【紧】【密】【联】【系】，【她】【工】【作】【起】【来】【还】【是】【相】【当】【负】【责】【任】【的】，【他】二中二心水论坛【单】【单】【凭】【借】【资】【历】【来】【说】，【孙】【国】【乐】【的】【确】【算】【是】【个】【资】【深】【教】【师】。 【但】【是】，【那】【是】【在】【他】【没】【有】【染】【上】【这】【些】【恶】【习】【之】【前】。 【现】【在】【的】【孙】【国】【乐】【还】【配】【人】【叫】【一】【声】【老】【师】【吗】？ “【不】【管】【谁】【给】【我】【的】【胆】【子】，【你】【这】【样】【做】【本】【身】【就】【是】【不】【对】【的】。”【班】【主】【任】【说】【着】，【指】【了】【指】【附】【近】【几】【个】【穿】【着】【警】【服】【的】【人】，【问】【道】：“【这】【边】【防】【止】【学】【生】【闹】【事】，【每】【天】【都】【有】【巡】【逻】【的】【警】【务】【人】【员】，【不】【如】【我】【去】【问】【问】【他】
【比】【起】【这】【个】，【何】【邪】【更】【倾】【向】【于】【他】【是】【遇】【到】【了】【什】【么】【好】【事】，【然】【后】【舍】【弃】【了】【拖】【后】【腿】【的】【家】【徒】【四】【壁】【的】【小】【屋】【和】【家】【里】【嗷】【嗷】【待】【哺】【的】【残】【障】【家】【属】？ 【何】【邪】【忧】【伤】【的】【趴】【伏】【在】【角】【落】【里】，【唉】，【生】【活】【不】【易】，【猫】【猫】【自】【闭】。 【在】【这】【种】【时】【候】，【就】【格】【外】【想】【念】【做】【人】【的】【感】【觉】【啊】，【至】【少】【不】【会】【像】【现】【在】【这】【样】【对】【于】【任】【何】【事】【情】【都】【束】【手】【无】【策】，【连】【跟】【人】【沟】【通】【交】【流】【都】【做】【不】【到】。 【何】【邪】【自】【顾】【自】【的】